ACADEMIC POLITICS AND THE HISTORY OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION
by Frank Morn
Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1995

Reviewed by Willard M. Oliver
Radford University
PO Box 6934
Radford, VA 24142
(540) 831-6161
woliver@radford.edu
 

The convergence of academic politics and Criminal Justice education was driven home to me in the fall of 1996, when for the first time in my young career I felt the impact of the former regarding the significance of the latter.  I was hired in the fall of 1994 at a small college that was expanding from an Associates program to a Baccalaureate program in Criminal Justice.  At first the establishment of a Criminal Justice program seemed fairly straightforward to me, but little would I realize that the establishment of Criminal Justice programs is often rife with politics.  I would soon find myself embroiled in a debate to abolish the program I had helped create and expand because of the argument that Criminal Justice was not a true academic discipline, but rather an “interdisciplinary” program under Sociology.  I argued vehemently that it was its own academic discipline, but when challenged, I had little to back it up.  I turned to an article published in ACJS Today, written by Frank Cullen, a former president of the ACJS, entitled, “Fighting Back: Criminal Justice as an Academic Discipline” (Jan./Feb. 1995).  While it was enough support to stave off any consideration of abolishing the Criminal Justice program, coupled with my demonstration that in the short time the program had existed, students were getting jobs in the Criminal Justice field and enrollment was up, it left me wondering about Cullen’s article and his argument that Criminal Justice is indeed its own academic discipline.  As a result of my shallow victory I began exploring the evolution of Criminal Justice and learned much about academic politics, both inside and outside of Criminal Justice.
 

It was not until recently (Fall 2000), when looking for books on Criminal Justice History for a graduate seminar on the same subject, that I discovered the book published by Frank Morn titled, Academic Politics and the History of Criminal Justice Education (1995).  Sight unseen, I adopted the book, ordered it, and read it in one sitting upon receipt.  It was the most concise, eye-opening examination of the Criminal Justice discipline that I have read and with each turn of the page I learned something new about the discipline in which I have earnestly tried to establish a career.  His review of the historical evolution is straightforward and maintains a continual link between the past and present.  Woven amongst the discourse on the history of Criminal Justice is how much politics, particularly academic politics, has been responsible for the evolution of Criminal Justice programs in the United States.  And yet still deeper, he delineates how much politics within the Criminal Justice discipline has shaped and molded what many of us accept as the “status quo” of Criminal Justice today.  Finally, I would be remiss if I did not mention that the book leaves one (at least one within the discipline) with a slight longing to have been part of those early days of the creation and formation of this discipline, they must have been exciting times.
 

Morn commences his book with a chapter on Academic Politics and Professionalism from the time period 1870 to 1930.  It is here Morn delineates the evolution of both the university/college system and professions/professional schools (e.g., Military, Medical, Legal, and Divinity).  He then further delineates between the various “schools” of thought, such as the Humanities and Social Sciences and then briefly describes the history of those disciplines closely related to Criminal Justice, Political Science and Sociology.  It is within this historical framework that Morn establishes our understanding of the state of higher education into which Criminal Justice would be born.  He clearly articulates it was not a time of peaceful acquisition of knowledge, but rather one of increasing specialization, academic turf-wars, and, more simply stated, politics.
 

Morn then proceeds (Chapter 2) to discuss the progressive movement and the specific beginnings of the reform era of policing upon which one man receives the lion-share of credit, August Vollmer.  Morn hones in on Vollmer’s creation of the first police academy and his work with the University of California at Berkeley to establish a school of police education.  While Vollmer’s work was significant, his visions of a police school would be continued by a number of proteges that would continue to push for the Vollmer model, including such people as O.W. Wilson, William Wiltberger, and V. A. Leonard (Chapter 3).  The political debate that would ultimately emerge is still one that is relevant today, and that is the difference between Criminal Justice education as a practical “hands-on” form of vocational training versus the more theoretical application of scientific principles.  Although the dichotomy seems to have perhaps blended more today, there can still be seen the differences between the practitioner-turned academic and the “pure academic” who has achieved his or her status through straight education.  The debate over which one is “better” or more in line with the direction of the Criminal Justice discipline is left for other forums, rather it is important to note, as Morn does, that this dichotomy was relevant from the beginning and has helped to shape and mold the discipline we now serve.
 

This issue would continue to plague the newly formed “School of Criminology” at Berkeley in the post World War II years (Chapter 4).  While the school under O. W. Wilson was attempting to expand from policing and more toward Criminal Justice, academic politics and concepts that “criminology” was simply a “police school” were hard to resolve.  And strikingly, this author knows of many colleges where the academic concepts of Criminal Justice are seen as just that, a training ground for future cops and correctional guards, where the oft used joke is Criminal Justice professors “teach Handcuffing 101.”  Those ideas, as revealed by Morn, are clearly not new impressions, but rather ones that are deeply rooted in the evolution of the Criminal Justice discipline.  The response then, much like our response today, was to attempt to root the discipline further into “academic” principles, which included the development of a professional organization, “The Society for the Advancement of Criminology” (forerunner to the American Society of Criminology), and the publication of a journal, Criminologica (forerunner to Criminology).  However, with this shift toward entrenching the discipline further into the academic institution, it began to force the “Vollmerian” concepts out of the Criminology discipline and along with it the “police professors.”
 

The political forces at work within this usurpation of the Vollmerian concepts would spawn a new organization, the International Association of Police Professors in 1963 (Chapter 5).  It was in this counter-political action that the discipline of Criminal Justice would begin to germinate and combined with a number of forces, mostly external, the true academic discipline of Criminal Justice would begin to grow.  The fall of the School of Criminology at Berkeley (Chapter 6), the increase in crime during the 1960s and the resulting federal grant dollars being dumped into upgrading police education, and hence the development of several programs aimed at both police science (i.e., John Jay College of Police Science) and Criminal Justice scholar-academics (i.e., State University of New York at Albany) (Chapter 7), would promulgate the development of the criminal justice discipline.  More important, the concept of a “Criminal Justice System” advanced by the President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration’s report titled The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society (1967), would help to solidify the direction of the discipline and brought about the name change of the International Association of Police Professors to that of the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences in 1970.
 

In the short thirty years of its existence (specifically under the new name), the Academy has also had a most interesting history and development.  The first decade was marked by very hard core politics that helped shape its current existence and, to some degree, almost caused its extinction in the late 1970s with various incidents of embezzlement, corruption, and, of course, turf battles (i.e., Baccalaureate programs versus Community Colleges, etc.) (Chapter 8).  One aspect of these turf battles that also threatened the early existence of the Academy was that of regional factions.  Morn reports:
 

William Mathias was key in the founding of the Georgia Association of Criminal Justice Educators in 1967.  Richter Moore was the first president of the North Carolina Association of Criminal Justice Educators in 1970.  A Southern Association of Criminal Justice began in 1968 but soon died.  It was revived in 1972 with Mathias and Moore as founding fathers.  Donald Riddle, Richard Myren and James Curran came from the North to gauge and support this new regional organization.  The Souther Association grew rapidly, and Richter Moore felt that in the early 1970s it was a stronger force in criminal justice than the Academy.  Southerners were justifiably proud because their organization came into existence independently of the national one. (Morn 1995, 143)
 

Although there were some fears that regional associations, especially the Southern, could possibly undermine the national Association, Gordon Misner proposed a kickback of 10 percent of the national dues to regional associations that were affiliated with the national Academy.  As Morn explained:

What the Southern Association would do was critical to Misner’s plan.  Since it was the only regional group in existence, the entire plan might fail and a splintering of the national group would result if it balked.  Thanks to the work of Mathias and Moore, however, the Southern Association petitioned to be the Academy’s first recognized region at the very meeting at which Misner proposed his plan.  (Morn 1995, 143)

The resulting impact would be the proliferation of the regional Criminal Justice Associations, consisting of the Midwest (1975), Southwestern (1976), Northeastern (1976), and North Atlantic (1977).  By the 1980s, both the Academy and the Criminal Justice discipline would achieve the relative status of becoming entrenched as an institution and both the Academy and the discipline would begin to flourish.
 

Morn completes his book with a discussion of a number of issues concerning both the Academy and the discipline.  He discusses accreditation (Chapter 8), which has most recently developed into both the Minimum Standards of Criminal Justice Education and a formal mechanism for program review; the desire to move the national office to Washington, D.C. (Chapter 9) which was recently achieved in 1999; the establishment of a Criminal Justice journal, Justice Quarterly (Chapter 9); and the general growth of the annual conference, membership, and programs across the nation.  While history is still being written and many of the debates still rear their ugly head (Is Criminal Justice an academic discipline?  Is it a social science or humanity?  Should it be taught by academics or practitioners?  Isn’t it the same as Criminology?  Isn’t it an interdisciplinary degree, hence having no theoretical body of knowledge of its own? Etc.), there should be left little doubt that Criminal Justice has become an institutionalized part of the academic realm and continues to grow in accordance with all of the rigors of a true academic discipline.  Had the author had Morn’s book in hand when the debate over Criminal Justice not being an academic discipline reared its ugly-head, I truly believe there would have been no more discussion.
 

Based upon this author’s experience, my passion for the Criminal Justice discipline, and this most enlightening discourse on Criminal Justice education, I highly recommend that every professor of Criminal Justice, regardless of program title or perspective on Criminal Justice education, orders a personal copy, reads it, and contemplates the role they play in this academic discipline.  This is the tie that binds us.  This is the history that we all share.  And this is why we all are able to share in the prosperity that has become the Criminal Justice discipline.  In addition, while not a topic of particular interest perhaps to the undergraduate student, I would urge those teaching in Criminal Justice graduate programs to consider adopting the book in an early graduate course, so that those advancing in their Criminal Justice education can share in the history that binds us and be welcomed into the fold.  This is clearly an important publication.
 

Finally, the author would be remiss if I did not mention that the few scant pages discussing the Southern Criminal Justice Association leaves one begging for more.  While the history of the Criminal Justice discipline and the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences are important, so too is the history of this first regional association.  Although the Southern Criminal Justice Association website details some of the history in the SCJA Policy Manual section (See Southern Criminal Justice Association 2000), what is sorely needed is a narrative of the SCJA’s history available online.  Morn’s words for the SCJA were kind, but there must be more to it hiding beneath these two pages of praise.  This should be the next step in recording “the History of Criminal Justice Education.”
 
 
References

Cullen, Frank.  (1995).  “Fighting Back: Criminal Justice as an Academic Discipline.”  ACJS Today Jan./Feb: 1-3.

President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration.  (1967).  The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society.  Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O.

Southern Criminal Justice Association.  (2000).  “SCJA Policy Manual.”  Southern Criminal Justice Association Homepage.  Available online at http://www.scja.net/